The Archive

IN THIS EDITION

Trump cements his power with Congress gone

Inside Shaheen’s bipartisan bid to bolster Ukraine

Republicans search for a Dem bogeyman

Inside Annie Karni and Luke Broadwater’s new book about Congress

Perplexity AI makes play to buy TikTok

THE TOP

Trump cements his power with Congress gone

Happy Friday morning.

What a recess week this has been for Congress. Mainly because President Donald Trump continues to challenge congressional authority at every turn.

With lawmakers back at home or scattered around the globe, Trump told the independent Federal Reserve that it should lower interest rates. He signed an executive order to begin shutting down the Department of Education, which was created by an act of Congress more than 45 years ago.

Trump backed Israel’s renewed military campaign against Hamas in Gaza. The president then threatened war with Iran, yet also sent a letter to the Iranians offering talks on a new nuclear deal.

Trump spoke to both Russian President Vladimir Putin and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky in a less-than-successful attempt to hash out a ceasefire between the warring nations.

Trump ordered the release of the JFK assassination files, which shed little new light on Kennedy’s murder. He stripped Secret Service protection from former President Joe Biden’s children. And the Pentagon seems ready to overhaul the entire combatant command structure despite public objections from Republicans.

Those are just the highlights, of course. Lawmakers are going to be asked to respond to all of these developments when they return to Washington Monday.

But let’s focus on Trump’s most controversial demand — that Congress move to impeach U.S. District Judge James Boasberg for ruling against the administration’s deportation policies.

We wanted to turn the lens around on this and attempt — to the extent that’s possible — to understand precisely what the Trump administration wants Hill Republicans to do here.

Does the White House really want the House to initiate impeachment proceedings and the Senate to hold an impeachment trial? Only 15 judges in American history have been impeached, just eight convicted, including the late Rep. Alcee Hastings (D-Fla.). It’s a drastic punishment that would threaten the independence of the judicial branch. Democrats are up in arms over the possibility of this happening.

As with many things in Trump’s Washington, it depends on who you ask.

There are those inside the White House who want House Republicans to push through impeachment articles in order to put Boasberg through hell. The arduous impeachment process itself is the point, not whether Boasberg is ultimately removed from office, some administration officials say.

Boasberg — who has an impressive resume — was appointed to the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia by former President Barack Obama. (Former President George W. Bush appointed him to the D.C. Superior Court.)

And there are those in Trump’s inner circle who see impeaching Boasberg as some kind of payback to Democrats for Trump’s two impeachments. Of course, impeaching a district court judge is nothing like impeaching a president.

The impeachment resolution, penned by freshman Rep. Brandon Gill (R-Texas), only has five co-sponsors so far: Reps. Buddy Carter (R-Ga.), Mike Collins (R-Ga.), Eli Crane (R-Ariz.), Barry Moore (R-Ala.) and Andrew Clyde (R-Ga.). The House GOP leadership is watching very closely whether this number balloons next week or stays relatively contained.

The cited basis for impeaching Boasberg, who Trump has singled out repeatedly in social media posts, is vague. Boasberg is allegedly “in violation of his oath of office, did knowingly and willfully use his judicial position to advance political gain while interfering with the President’s constitutional prerogatives and enforcement of the rule of law.” What “political gain” Boasberg got from this isn’t specified.

Of course, the reality is more complicated. Boasberg simply ruled against Trump, which most legal analysts don’t believe is a high crime or misdemeanor.

Bottom line: House Republicans don’t have the votes to impeach Boasberg. That won’t stop the House (and Senate) Judiciary Committee from holding hearings on the issue. But there’s very little chance that Boasberg will ever be removed from office even if the House does impeach him. There’s no way Senate Democrats would go along with such a drastic action.

Which leads us to a second line of thinking in Trump’s White House. Some senior administration officials say that House Republicans shouldn’t do anything to divide the party. Instead, Republicans should focus on legislative priorities that unite them.

Several senior GOP leadership sources point to Rep. Darrell Issa’s (R-Calif.) bill that would bar district judges from issuing nationwide injunctions. Sen. Josh Hawley (R-Mo.) introduced a similar legislative effort in the Senate Thursday. House Judiciary Committee Chair Jim Jordan (R-Ohio) hinted that there may be other legislative remedies short of impeachment that he could pursue. Top GOP officials have only just begun discussing what legislation they may pursue on this front.

But again, this didn’t go anywhere in the last Congress when Republicans did their own “judge shopping” against Biden, especially in a couple of Texas federal courts.

House Democrats, meanwhile, are salivating at a Boasberg impeachment fight. Here’s what one House Democratic lawmaker texted us Thursday:

— Jake Sherman and John Bresnahan

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WASHINGTON X THE WORLD

Inside Shaheen’s bipartisan bid to bolster Ukraine

When Sen. Jeanne Shaheen announced last week that she wouldn’t be seeking a fourth term, the New Hampshire Democrat said “while I am not seeking reelection, believe me, I am not retiring.”

In her remaining 21 months in office, Shaheen may have no greater challenge than the one she’s about to take on.

News: A bipartisan group of senators — led in part by Shaheen, the top Democrat on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee — is crafting a sanctions package aimed at maximizing Ukraine’s leverage amid the ongoing U.S.-Russia negotiations.

The effort is still in its early stages and could potentially include separate proposals from Sens. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) and Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) which would trigger sanctions if Russia violates any diplomatic agreement.

But the broader effort is intended to safeguard and strengthen the Russia sanctions package that Congress passed overwhelmingly in 2017, the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA). President Donald Trump was essentially forced to sign the measure into law given that it passed the Senate 98-2 and the House 419-3.

“I want to do everything I can to support Ukraine in this war, to try to ensure that they’re in the best position possible for any negotiations, and try to do what I can to hold [Vladimir] Putin accountable,” Shaheen said in an interview last week after announcing her retirement.

Crucially, this would also give Congress a say amid bipartisan concerns over potential U.S. concessions to Russia. Shoring up sanctions that already passed with huge majorities — in addition to codifying those imposed via executive order after the invasion — would make it more difficult for Trump to lift sanctions on Russia.

To be sure, this is no small feat. The Trump administration is loath to embrace anything that could disrupt their ongoing diplomatic talks with Moscow over ending the Ukraine war. And Republicans are generally sensitive about even the appearance of undercutting Trump.

The senators, however, see it as a way for Congress to give the Trump administration additional tools to assuage Ukraine’s concerns about Russia’s willingness to abide by a diplomatic agreement.

“I continue to believe — I was just talking to [Mitch] McConnell about this earlier — that there is still bipartisan support in Congress not only for Ukraine but an understanding of the threat that Russia poses,” Shaheen said. “Regardless of what Donald Trump and JD Vance say.”

Graham said such an effort would only strengthen a diplomatic deal because “Russia would know exactly what happens to their economy if they [invade] a third time.” This could include imposing tariffs on countries that buy Russian oil, as well as targeting Russia’s central bank.

“That’s a critical part of deterrence,” Graham added.

Shaheen’s role: Shaheen was upbeat about her chances of success in part because she won’t have to worry about the stress of a reelection bid, which can otherwise become all-consuming.

Shaheen, 78, is leaving as her influence in the Democratic Caucus is greater than it’s ever been. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer has referred to Shaheen as the caucus’ leader on foreign policy matters.

“It was more about wanting to be able to leave when I felt like I could still do the job well, and not wanting to be here in a situation where I couldn’t do the job or I had something going on with my family… that would be a distraction,” Shaheen said of her decision.

— Andrew Desiderio

HOUSE CAMPAIGNS

Republicans search for a Dem bogeyman

Democrats have enlisted Elon Musk and President Donald Trump to play starring roles in their attack ads. But in lieu of an equivalent Democratic bogeyman, Republicans are employing an all-of-the-above messaging approach to hit vulnerable members.

House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries still isn’t a household name and doesn’t inspire the same anger among swing voters as Rep. Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) did. Just take a look at the sheer number of ads from the 2022 cycle that drew comparisons between Pelosi and vulnerable members.

Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, who’s catching a lot of heat lately from the left, has been featured in some messaging but isn’t a central figure for the GOP.

And with former President Joe Biden in the political wilderness and a very under-the-radar former Vice President Kamala Harris, there are few options for Republicans right now to set their sights on.

So who are Republicans turning their attention to? Largely a B-list supporting cast of Democrats outside of powerful positions.

A recent Congressional Leadership Fund attack tied the party to Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz, Harris’ former running mate who’s doing a town hall tour this week.

But mostly, Republicans are seizing on controversies of the day to hit Democrats.

The NRCC has tried to elevate Frontline Rep. Marcy Kaptur (D-Ohio) after she made derogatory remarks about Musk’s immigration status. They also took advantage of Rep. Al Green’s (D-Texas) outburst at Trump’s joint address to Congress, an incident that got the veteran lawmaker kicked out of the speech and later censured for his actions.

Plus, the House GOP campaign arm has been heavily featuring liberal firebrands like Reps. Jasmine Crockett (D-Texas) and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.).

Yet it’s fair to note that we’re unlikely to see a continuation of messaging elevating Crockett in fall 2026. For the moment, it’s an effective release valve for Republicans — who are on the defensive as they control all levers of power — to play a little offense.

“The reason Republicans are having such trouble creating a Democratic bogeyman is because they already have a real-life supervillain on their team,” DCCC spokesperson Viet Shelton said in a statement. “When the public has decided you are the party of Lex Luthor, you’ve lost the messaging war.”

Meanwhile, Republicans are aiming their focus at accusing Democrats of being leaderless.

Here’s NRCC spokesperson Mike Marinella:

Republicans are also focusing their attacks on more policy-related areas. It’s hard to blame the other party for things when they have no power, so GOP groups are targeting Democrats for opposing legislative efforts.

The NRCC hit vulnerable Democrats for voting against the budget resolution, spinning the vote as opposing tax cuts. And the NRSC recently dinged at-risk Democratic incumbents for opposing the government funding bill.

Money game: The DCCC outraised the NRCC in March, $11.1 million to $9.2 million.

— Max Cohen and Mica Soellner

BOOK REPORT

Inside Annie Karni and Luke Broadwater’s new book about Congress

Here’s a topic on which we are totally biased: You should go read Annie Karni and Luke Broadwater’s book “Mad House: How Donald Trump, MAGA Mean Girls, a Former Used Car Salesman, a Florida Nepo Baby, and a Man with Rats in His Walls Broke Congress.”

It is available here for pre-order and will be released on Tuesday.

Writing a book about Congress is no walk in the park, especially when you have to cover the institution full time. Some of us actually have tried it.

We have the book – an autographed copy, no less – and there are a lot of juicy anecdotes.

Here’s one: Reps. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.) and Lauren Boebert (R-Colo.) don’t much like each other.

According to the book, their beef goes back to their early days in Congress. Greene says Boebert refused to work with any contractors that also worked with MTG.

You may remember that Boebert had an episode during a performance of the Beetlejuice musical in Colorado. Here’s what Greene told Karni and Broadwater about that:

Boebert dismissed Greene’s derision as “liberal talking points.”

“It’s interesting to hear that she’s saying it’s not worth it to say anything about me, yet she seems to always have something to say about me,” Boebert said.

Whoa. This is the kind of feud that you almost never – ever – get the principals to talk about. So get the book to read more.

– Jake Sherman

TIKTOK TIME

Perplexity AI makes play to buy TikTok

News: Perplexity AI, which has offered to buy Chinese-owned TikTok, will be promoting its vision for a revamped service while warning that Beijing could maintain control of the app if other suitors take over.

“Any acquisition by a consortium of investors could in effect keep ByteDance in control of the algorithm,” the firm is expected to say in a blog post later today.

The effort to rebuild the app’s algorithm comes as the White House faces an early April deadline to find a U.S. buyer for TikTok — and is reportedly leaning toward a rival bid from Oracle.

Some Republican lawmakers have also emphasized that any deal must remove Chinese control to comply with a law Congress passed last year.

The plan for TikTok also includes a transparent algorithm and multilingual capabilities. The company also plans to introduce a revamp of “metrics and optimization focused on user satisfaction and informational value rather than solely engagement.”

— Ben Brody

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