Something strange is happening in several crucial House Democratic primaries.
Mysterious super PACs are quietly emerging and spending heavily to boost candidates whom many top Democrats view as less formidable, or even toxic, in general elections. Three of these stealthy groups spent a collective $4.3 million so far in five primaries in Nebraska, Pennsylvania, California, Texas and New Jersey.
The source of these groups’ funding is obscured. That’s somewhat common in the post-Citizens United era of dark money. But what’s truly baffling is that it’s nearly impossible to tell who is behind these super PACs. And their operators are becoming incredibly skilled at covering their tracks.
Democrats insist this is a Republican effort to meddle in Democratic primaries to ensure they face the weakest candidate in November.
The largest of these groups, Lead Left PAC, does have at least one GOP tie. Its website’s metadata included a link to WinRed, the Republican online fundraising clearinghouse. But there is no smoking gun connecting these groups to Republicans, and that’s notable given the myriad of disclosures required to run ads in U.S. elections.
Lead Left PAC has spent $3.1 million across three races. It was unsuccessful in elevating its preferred candidate in Pennsylvania, but successful in Nebraska. The group dropped nearly $1 million on ads propping up a Texas Democrat who is a self-described sex therapist and has made comments disparaging Jews.
Another newly created group, called Real Change PAC, just spent nearly $600,000 in a Democratic primary in a New Jersey battleground seat.
These super PACs have to file statements of organization with the FEC, report these independent expenditures and place orders with TV and radio stations. Typically, all this offers clues into who is running the group and their partisan affiliation because the treasurer is a known political operative. Mail firms and ad buyers also usually work for one party or the other.
But not this time.
The trail. The treasurers of these groups have no apparent online footprint. The addresses listed are post offices, Staples stores or similar sites. The mail firm (Piruzi LLC) and media buyer (OTG Media LLC) for Lead Left PAC were incorporated shortly before the spending began. This means someone created shell companies to hide their identities.
Real Change PAC has paid Four Ponies Consulting LLC for mail and ads. That group was incorporated on April 29, and its address is listed as a Staples store in Florida. Per the FEC, Four Ponies Consulting LLC has received payments from one other entity, California Blue PAC. That group, which is meddling in the all-party primary in California’s 40th District, registered with the FEC on April 24. This organization is untraceable and lists its address as an Austin, Texas, mailing center.
Lead Left’s mail firm, Piruzi LLC, and Four Ponies Consulting were both registered in Wyoming by Paracorp Incorporated, which has registered tens of thousands of companies nationwide.
These groups will have to disclose their donors eventually, but they can hide those donors by transferring money from a 501(c)(4) nonprofit. This is next-level obfuscation.
“We don’t know who’s speaking, we don’t know what their real motivations are, and the things that they do talk about may be completely different from why they’re involved,” Rep. Jamie Raskin (D-Md.) said. “It really degrades public discourse and just creates paranoia and uncertainty.”
The Texas Play. Lead Left PAC drew widespread scrutiny when it began airing ads in Texas’ 35th District to prop up Democrat Maureen Galindo. Galindo is in a primary runoff with the DCCC-backed Johnny Garcia. Galindo has raised little money and has aired none of her own TV ads.
Galindo has a prolific and inflammatory online presence. Galindo said on Instagram that she wished to turn ICE detention centers “into a prison for American Zionists” and “a castration processing center for pedophiles which will probably be most of the Zionists.”
Yet Lead Left PAC has spent hundreds of thousands of dollars on Galindo’s behalf ahead of Tuesday’s primary runoff. Democrats are accusing Republicans of orchestrating the effort.
“You have an openly bigoted person who has no business in elected office getting boosted by a Republican PAC,” Rep. Greg Casar (D-Texas) said. “So the Republican leadership here, of course, is going to go to great lengths to hide that.”
The district is a Trump +10, and Galindo would certainly be a weaker opponent for the GOP in November than Garcia.
The Congressional Leadership Fund, the GOP super PAC aligned with House Republican leaders, has declined to say if it’s behind Lead Left PAC.
Nebraska’s 2nd District. Lead Left PAC spent $435,000 on ads yoking state Sen. John Cavanaugh to President Donald Trump to tank Cavanaugh with Democratic voters and elevate his primary opponent, Denise Powell.
Democrats and Republicans were genuinely split on whether Cavanaugh or Powell would be stronger in a general election for this seat, which is currently held by retiring GOP Rep. Don Bacon. Powell ultimately prevailed in the Democratic primary.
Pennsylvania’s 7th District. Lead Left PAC spent $1.7 million in the Democratic primary on mailers and ads boosting Lamont McClure, an underfunded former county executive. The ads went negative on frontrunners Bob Brooks and Ryan Crosswell.
Brooks, who is endorsed by the DCCC and Pennsylvania Democratic Gov. Josh Shapiro, won by 20 points. Brooks will face Rep. Ryan Mackenzie (R-Pa.) in this key 7th District race in November.
New Jersey’s 7th District. Real Change PAC is spending roughly $575,000 on mailers and ads, accusing Democrat Rebecca Bennett of investing with ICE contractors. One digital spot praises Bennett’s opponents, Tina Shah and Brian Varela, for being willing to abolish ICE.
Several top Democrats believe Bennett, a former Navy helicopter pilot, would be the strongest to take on Rep. Tom Kean Jr. (R-N.J.) in November. Varela raised just $100,000 last quarter.
The primary is June 2.
