📝 The Readback: Vote-a-rama drama

IN THIS EDITION

Not your average vote-a-rama

The Senate’s Saturday session

What’s the point of the Freedom Caucus?

Covering AI overnight in the Senate

THE TOP

Not your average vote-a-rama

Welcome to The Readback, our weekend digest featuring the best of Punchbowl News this week – a quick roundup of all our scoops, analysis and Capitol Hill insight you won’t find anywhere else. We’ve also included a few of our favorite outside reads from the week.

Not your typical vote-a-rama. During late-night Senate sessions and vote-a-ramas, the Senate press gallery is the place to be.

The press section above the Senate floor gives reporters a birds-eye view of the chamber and, often, a way to listen in on some of the conversations happening on the floor. It’s the ultimate people-watching — er, senator-watching — exercise.

That was especially the case as Monday turned into Tuesday and President Donald Trump’s “big, beautiful bill” had not yet cleared the Senate. What ended up being the longest vote-a-rama in Senate history included some dramatic moments that called into question whether Senate Republicans would be able to finish the job.

In the middle of all the drama, the internal Capitol TV channel, run by Senate Republicans, started displaying the words “vote-a-trauma” on the screen that’s usually just a vote-counter and a live feed of the Senate floor.

I was there for the long haul and spent several hours inside the Senate chamber, especially during the overnight hours, as Sen. Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska) became the center of attention. There were rumblings that Murkowski could have a “John McCain moment,” a reference to the late Arizona Republican senator’s famous thumbs-down vote that killed the GOP effort to repeal Obamacare. I was in the chamber for that moment, too, and was bracing myself for something similar this time around. It wasn’t so. But the drama was intense.

All sights on Alaska: Just after midnight, Sen. Deb Fischer (R-Neb.) emerged from the Senate chamber and held court for a bit with Igor Bobic of HuffPost, Lisa Mascaro of the Associated Press and me. Fischer was trying to warm up a bit because the Senate chamber was freezing cold, which is by design during vote-a-ramas. It’s to prevent senators from falling asleep.

Fischer predicted to us that the vote-a-rama would wrap up within the next few hours. Hopefully by 4:00 a.m., she said. That was welcome news to those of us who had been there for 15-plus hours by that point.

However, shortly thereafter, while I was back in the gallery, there was a noticeable vibe shift. Senate Majority Leader John Thune was locked in an intense conversation with Murkowski, the perpetual swing vote. Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) was noticeably upset. Senate Majority Whip John Barrasso had his own separate conversation with Murkowski.

At one point, just before 3:00 a.m., Thune went back to his office with Graham and Senate Finance Committee Chair Mike Crapo (R-Idaho). Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.) was summoned there moments later. GOP leaders were trying to see if they could get Paul’s vote amid the Murkowski impasse, but Paul made clear he wasn’t budging on his desire to dramatically lower the debt-limit hike. This was a no-go for GOP leaders.

Thune and Murkowski then met privately in Thune’s office. Just before 4:00 a.m., they emerged. Neither said much of substance.

We later learned, as I scooped just after 4:00 a.m., that the reason for heightened drama was that the Senate parliamentarian had ruled that a provision intended to soften the blow of the bill’s Medicaid cuts to Alaska was noncompliant with the Byrd Rule. That meant GOP leaders had to find another way to win Murkowski’s vote.

They eventually won the parliamentarian’s sign-off with tweaked language, but it took several hours. By 8:30 a.m., the mood inside the chamber had turned upbeat. It took a few more hours, but the Senate finally passed the bill around noon with Murkowski’s support.

Senator-watching. There were several hilarious moments on the Senate floor during the intervening hours.

First, Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) was in what one senator described as “full YOLO mode.” Tillis had just announced he wasn’t seeking reelection and appeared to be very much at peace with his decision. Tillis was milling about the chamber all day and night, cracking jokes with his colleagues.

At one point, Tillis waved and blew a kiss at one of the cameras on the Senate floor. Tillis later said he was trying to say goodnight to his grandkids, who were wondering why he hadn’t yet arrived for their annual family vacation.

From the gallery, we can hear a lot of the conversations happening on the floor, especially when a lot of senators are in the cloakroom and the floor is quieter as a result. Those who stayed on the floor included Sen. Mike Lee (R-Utah), who at one point did a Trump impression and could be heard asking Graham if he’s been to Equatorial Guinea. (No, I don’t know what the context was.)

Sen. Bernie Moreno (R-Ohio) was having a ton of fun, too. Multiple times, Moreno looked up at us and told us to “tweet out” certain things that were happening on the floor. (We took your advice, senator, but we’re not allowed to bring electronics into the chamber, so we have to walk outside to use our phones!)

Oh, and don’t forget. We could be in for another vote-a-rama in less than two weeks if Senate Republicans are able to push through the House-passed rescissions package.

What I’m watching: The Phillies’ adorable new service-pup-in-training has broken the internet. The yellow Labrador retriever is named Tugger after Tug McGraw, the legendary Phillies pitcher and 1980 World Series champion. It was the pick-me-up we all needed this week.

— Andrew Desiderio

You can find The Readback in your inbox every Saturday at 8 a.m. And don’t hesitate to reach out to readback@punchbowl.news with feedback. Enjoy The Readback.

The Senate’s Saturday session

At the outset of the week — which yes, feels like a very long time ago — the Senate convened for a rare Saturday session on June 28. On the agenda was the One Big Beautiful Bill Act.

For a chamber normally accustomed to ditching town on Thursday afternoon, it’s always fun to see how the Senate operates on weekend time. Not necessarily fun to be working 13 hours on a Saturday, but interesting nonetheless.

I started my Saturday waiting for Senate Majority Leader John Thune to arrive. We knew Republicans planned to meet for lunch at 1 p.m. I showed up around 10:30 a.m. in an attempt to catch Thune on his way into the Capitol.

So much of Hill reporting is about standing around and waiting. So two other reporters and I did exactly that for nearly three hours, before being informed shortly after 1 p.m. that Thune had taken a different route into the Capitol. And he’d refused to answer press questions. Great!

During the Senate GOP lunch, the Punchbowl News weekend warriors covered every possible exit from the meeting room.

The matter at hand was passing the motion to proceed to the reconciliation bill. This key procedural hurdle, held at a simple majority vote, would unlock the process by which Republicans would clear the bill through the Senate.

Heading into June 28, there were several holdouts who didn’t want to support the bill. Moderates like Sens. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.), Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska) and Susan Collins (R-Maine) thought the bill cut too much. Fiscal hawks like Sens. Ron Johnson (R-Wis.), Rand Paul (R-Ky.), Rick Scott (R-Fla.) and Mike Lee (R-Utah) didn’t think the bill cut enough. Problems!

But leaving the lunch meeting, senators were in a good mood and predicted a vote in the coming hours on the motion to proceed (or MTP, in Hill lingo). Collins said she would vote to proceed, along with Sen. Josh Hawley (R-Mo.).

The vibes were positive. Then Tillis dropped a scathing statement, announcing he’d oppose the bill due to severe Medicaid cuts. Republicans could only lose three votes, so this posed an issue.

What was once supposed to be a quick vote in the 4 p.m. hour started stretching on and on. By 8 p.m., three Senate Republicans had already voted no on the MTP — Johnson, Paul and Tillis. Vice President JD Vance entered the Capitol, ready to provide the tie-breaking 51st vote.

But then something strange happened. The vote stayed open and a number of the most problematic senators — Scott and Lee — hadn’t voted yet. Oddly, Sen. Cynthia Lummis (R-Wyo.), who hadn’t come up during the process as a question mark, also withheld her vote. The message to leadership was clear — we can tank this bill unless you give us what we want.

Abruptly, we saw Thune march into his office, along with the holdout GOP senators and other members of his leadership team. Then, Vance followed. It was now 9:21 p.m.

For the next hour and a half, the assembled press corps lined the hallway outside Thune’s office, desperate for any morsel of news. A process that seemed on a glide path earlier in the day now appeared doomed. The hardliners were digging in and could derail the whole process.

But in a flash, shortly after 11 p.m., the meeting broke up. Johnson flipped his vote to yes. Lummis, Scott and Lee joined him and voted for the MTP.

Their prize? Leadership promising to support Scott’s amendment to cut Medicaid more aggressively. For what it’s worth, the amendment never got adopted.

And just like that, the OBBB was moving forward. It wouldn’t pass the Senate until Tuesday afternoon after many more twists and turns. But it all started on a long, drawn-out Saturday that set the tone for a marathon week.

What I’m watching: One of the best events on the sporting calendar — the Tour de France — starts today. I love cycling and this three-week extravaganza brings together the best athletes in the world for some great drama. I can’t wait to see Tadej Pogačar and Jonas Vingegaard battle it out.

– Max Cohen

What’s the point of the Freedom Caucus?

It’s a story we know all too well.

GOP hardliners complain about a bill. They tank or hold up a rule vote to stop consideration of legislation. They keep everyone late or up all night. Then they end up voting for the final package and caving to leadership anyway.

This is the same storyline we’ve seen during this Congress so far, and there was no difference when it came to the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, with an ambitious July 4 passage deadline.

I’ve been covering the House Freedom Caucus for several years now. The group has changed dramatically since its founding in 2015 and it got me thinking about its future.

Described by former Speaker of the House John Boehner as “legislative terrorists,” the HFC was once a minority with strong influence in an institution that leans in favor of the establishment.

HFC members helped topple Boehner, meddled in leadership races and were able to effectively take down legislation they felt didn’t comply with conservative values.

The group, founded by nine Republicans, including House Judiciary Committee Chair Jim Jordan (R-Ohio), had a mission statement that aimed to “give a voice to countless Americans who feel that Washington does not represent them.”

On a lot of issues, they were in line with President Donald Trump’s “America First” style movement while Trump was still best known for hosting “The Apprentice.” HFC had a grip on the issues that frustrated the GOP base, which typically leans more right than the average Republican in Congress.

But these days, Jordan is barely involved with the group, serving as more of a leadership ally. Former Chair Bob Good (R-Va.), who was ousted in a primary last year, kicked out a bunch of members and many have resigned in just the last two years.

The group was plagued with fundraising issues last cycle and lost every primary race they got involved in against a sitting incumbent.

And with Trump back in office, the HFC’s positions aren’t that unique. The vast majority of the party falls in line with Trump, at least publicly, whether they actually agree with his agenda or not.

Its current chair, Rep. Andy Harris (R-Md.), is a cardinal on the House Appropriations Committee — something that would never be considered in the past.

Even the group’s most true-to-heart members — Reps. Chip Roy (R-Texas), Scott Perry (R-Pa.) and Andy Biggs (R-Ariz.) could face questionable political futures. Biggs is running for governor, Perry nearly lost to a Democrat last cycle and Trump has previously called for a primary challenger against Roy — although he’d likely fend off any opponent.

But even these members have folded on pretty much every single fight they’ve put up against leadership.

So the question remains: What is the purpose of the Freedom Caucus today? And are they an entity that’s going to be around for the long haul or has the peak of their power passed? Only time will tell.

What I’m listening to: I’m listening to Katseye’s new EP “Beautiful Chaos.”

– Mica Soellner

Covering AI overnight in the Senate

After three years, there I was again, spending the night in the Senate chamber.

These long-haul legislative battles on the Hill that rage through the night tend to be boring. Earlier this year, I was up until the wee hours covering the House Energy and Commerce Committee’s markup of the reconciliation bill.

But it was unexciting; Democrats voted on their amendments and Republicans stuck together. Other than a few moments of comic relief as lawmakers run on fumes, it’s mostly a well-rehearsed affair.

Not vote-a-ramas though. They bring excitement in their chaos. I’m not talking about when they vote on the budget resolution, but rather on the real deal.

I covered the 2022 Inflation Reduction Act vote-a-rama, which had its moments of drama, such as when former Sen. Kyrsten Sinema, then a Democrat from Arizona, made live changes to the bill on the floor.

It infuriated some of her Democratic colleagues and drove such rejection from the party base that when Sinema became an Independent later that year, it was hard to find a party activist with something to say other than “good riddance.”

That vote-a-rama, though, pales in comparison to what we saw Monday into Tuesday, when Republicans were scrambling to find the votes in what turned out to be the longest amendment marathon in history.

Like several of my colleagues, I was on the Hill longer than expected. I ended up working for nearly 24 hours straight, leaving the Capitol on Tuesday at 6 a.m. by accident.

I was only covering the fate of Sen. Ted Cruz’s (R-Texas) provision to restrict states from regulating artificial intelligence.

Since Cruz had a deal with Sen. Marsha Blackburn (R-Tenn.) on the provision’s language, I was simply waiting for the moment it came up on the floor. There were a couple of possible holdouts, but there was a sense that it could pass.

At 5 p.m. on Monday, the new language still hadn’t come up for a vote. I decided I’d go home and wait for it from there. Before leaving, I’d do one last sweep through the Senate halls and see if I could find any GOP senators to ask about the measure.

But later that hour, I started hearing from sources that the deal was coming apart. Blackburn was going to walk it back, they told me.

My colleague Ben Brody and I started to ask around and probe Blackburn’s office. Finally, at around 8 p.m., her office confirmed she was walking away from the deal and was going to oppose the AI pause.

It was a tremendous reversal and came as GOP state officials and an entire coalition of groups pushing for AI regulation pressured her to change course.

At that point, I decided to see this thing through. Cruz, when I asked for his response to Blackburn’s reversal, said, “The night is young.”

Indeed, it was, but he lost. The vote only came past 4 a.m., and the tally was 99-1 against the AI freeze. Cruz voted against his own proposal.

What I’m listening to: I’ve been re-listening to a lot of Brazilian music from the 70s. One of my all-time favorites is Jorge Ben Jor, and I love his album “Africa Brasil,” when he, like Bob Dylan, went electric. “Taj Mahal,” the best-known song from the record, has a very similar riff to Rod Stewart’s melody in “Da Ya Think I’m Sexy?” The British pop anthem came out three years later, yikes! The two men settled a famous copyright lawsuit because of it. Go check it out!

– Diego Areas Munhoz