Committee term limits? Not for House Dems

IN THIS EDITION

Democrats want generational change — just not in the Capitol

The Platner pivot and Democrats’ future

Senate GOP’s ballroom problem

Defense heavyweights aid Calvert in battle with Kim

What we’re watching: Primary day

THE TOP

Democrats want generational change — just not in the Capitol

Happy Tuesday morning.

SCORE Act scorched. House GOP leaders have pulled the SCORE Act from this week’s floor schedule, according to multiple sources. The proposed legislation would regulate how college athletes can earn money.

Republicans have struggled to pass this bill multiple times this Congress despite support from the NCAA and the White House. The Congressional Black Caucus came out against the measure on Monday, saying it can’t back legislation “benefiting major athletic institutions that continue to remain silent while Black voting rights and Black political power are being systematically dismantled.”

Term limits latest. Democratic voters around the country are clamoring for new party leadership. Older Democratic lawmakers are facing political and electoral pressure like never before.

But there’s little chance the House Democratic Caucus will impose term limits on their committee leaders next Congress, showing that the anti-octogenarian movement stops at the walls of the Capitol.

It also presents an uncomfortable reality for younger House Democrats despondent at the prospect of potentially waiting years or even decades to snag senior posts on panels. And it’s yet another example of how the desire for generational change among Democrats is running up against a caucus that’s resistant to reform.

There aren’t the votes inside the Democratic Caucus for a rules change instituting term limits on committee leaders, per our conversations with dozens of House Democrats over the past two weeks.

Some Democrats said a recent spate of challenges to committee leaders proves such term limits aren’t necessary. Others argued that weakening seniority — a coveted tool for minority lawmakers in particular — is misguided in the wake of the fresh attacks on the Congressional Black Caucus in the post-Callais world.

“Don’t change the rules when we’re in a position where we see what the Supreme Court and some of the southern states are trying to do to take power away,” said Rep. Gregory Meeks (N.Y.), the top House Foreign Affairs Committee Democrat.

The CBC, along with the Congressional Hispanic Caucus, has historically argued that one of the few ways underrepresented groups can amass power is by leveraging seniority and taking over key committee leadership roles.

“If you suddenly did six-year terms, and you lose Greg Meeks, Maxine Waters, Bennie Thompson and Bobby Scott all of a sudden, that’d be a devastating blow,” Rep. Don Beyer (D-Va.) said. Meeks is 72, Waters is 87, Thompson is 78 and Scott is 79.

Winds of change. House Republicans have six-year aggregate term limits for their top committee posts, whether in the majority or minority. Some Democrats want to follow suit.

“Republicans have done a really great job of cultivating leadership across their conference, and we have not,” Rep. Becca Balint (D-Vt.) said. “It’s important that we have some limits on how long someone should be in a leadership role on a committee.”

“Our system should have change and new faces,” added Rep. Pat Ryan (D-N.Y.). “I think this would be a huge way to boost trust and show that we’re willing to limit ourselves.”

“People are talking about it,” Rep. Maxwell Frost (D-Fla.) said about committee term limits. “I’m sure if we’re in the majority, there’s a lot of different things we need to do in terms of fixing this institution, and we can address a lot of that in the rules package.”

The Olds. Because there are no term limits, House Democratic committee leaders skew older. Two Democratic ranking members are in their 80s, with another seven in their 70s and seven in their 60s.

A number of Democrats have helmed House panels for lengthy stretches. This brings them highly coveted staffers (Congress’ most valuable possession) and media coverage.

The best example is retiring Rep. Nydia Velázquez (N.Y.), who’s been the top Democrat on the Small Business Committee since 1998.

Thompson has led Homeland Security Democrats since 2005. Rep. Adam Smith (Wash.) has been the top Democrat on Armed Services since 2010. Waters has led Financial Services Democrats since 2013. Scott has been the top Education and Workforce Democrat since 2015.

Younger Democrats have unsuccessfully tried to institute term limits in recent years. In 2022, a proposed caucus rules change failed 138-63 in an internal vote. House Democrats once had six-year term limits for committee chairs, but those limits were scrapped when Democrats took back the majority in 2007.

The issue also reared its head following the 2018 midterms, but Democrats — led then by Rep. Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) — decided against instituting term limits.

No need to change. Opponents of term limits argue that members are free to challenge any committee leader in the current format. Members point to notable turnover in top panels since Hakeem Jeffries took over as Democratic leader after the 2022 midterms. Reps. Jamie Raskin (D-Md.), Angie Craig (D-Minn.), Robert Garcia (D-Calif.) and Jared Huffman (D-Calif.) have all replaced older committee leaders in recent years.

Unsurprisingly, committee ranking members — potential chairs next year — advanced this argument to us.

“If a lot of people don’t like you, they’ll turn you out, the same way we do with elections,” said 83-year-old Rep. Rosa DeLauro (Conn.), the top Appropriations Democrat.

“I get the idea that people get frustrated,” added Rep. Richie Neal (D-Mass.), the 77-year-old Ways and Means Committee ranking member. “But I was frustrated for a long time, too, until I made my way up the ladder.”

AOC’s take. Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.), a lawmaker who swept into office in a 2018 primary challenge predicated on generational change, said she was “open to the conversation” but wouldn’t support committee term limits.

“There’s a tremendous amount of institutional knowledge that absolutely plays to our advantage,” Ocasio-Cortez said. “We also have to make sure that we are cultivating younger members of our caucus, and that doesn’t happen when there’s no opportunity.”

— Max Cohen

NEW TIME: We’re sitting down with Reps. Vern Buchanan (R-Fla.) and Paul Tonko (D-N.Y.) on Wednesday at 1:30 p.m. ET to discuss the news of the day, the importance of early and accurate dementia diagnosis and their work on the Alzheimer’s Screening and Prevention (ASAP) Act. Joanne Pike, president and CEO of the Alzheimer’s Association, will join us afterward for a fireside chat. There’s still time to RSVP!

THE CAMPAIGN

The Platner pivot and Democrats’ future

PORTLAND, Maine — Call it Graham Platner’s “pivot to the general election.” But there’s a catch.

After spending months railing against the Democratic establishment en route to an all-but-certain primary victory, the progressive populist acknowledged he needs to work closely with the party’s national leadership to accomplish their shared goal: defeating Sen. Susan Collins (R-Maine).

But not too closely.

“We’re going to need help from the Democratic establishment,” Platner said in an interview, referring to financial support and other crucial resources from the party. “I will say, however, we are not going to take a change of direction. What we have done has worked.”

A defiant Platner added, “We were told this wouldn’t work. And it worked swimmingly.”

It’s the 41-year-old political newcomer’s way of trying to put aside his differences with the party apparatus — namely the DSCC and Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, who backed Gov. Janet Mills in the primary — without compromising the messages and campaign themes that helped him defy the odds.

“If all of a sudden we start getting help from outside and I decide that ‘Medicare for All’ maybe isn’t something I want to talk about, everybody’s going to know what just happened,” Platner said. “We’re not idiots.”

The pivot. Platner’s posture is an acknowledgment that even the most anti-establishment candidates need to embrace their party if they get far enough.

Platner, who’s facing off against a battle-tested incumbent in Collins, said in no uncertain terms that “we will absolutely take help” but cautioned he’ll only accept “advice that we think is good.” This is a nod to the broader debate within the Democratic Party about how to rebuild a winning coalition.

For example, Platner touted what he sees as the crossover appeal of his message and that of President Donald Trump, who similarly ran on an anti-establishment platform of “draining the swamp” and limiting military adventurism.

“Their frustration was at the system,” Platner said of Trump’s voters. “To me, the answer isn’t: ‘That’s why you have to let us Democrats just go do exactly what we were just doing.’”

Strategic differences. Many Senate Democrats, especially progressives, also hope Platner can help quash Washington’s conventional wisdom about “electability” — the idea that a more moderate or traditional candidate is a safer bet in a battleground state.

Mills didn’t lose to Platner because she’s more moderate. Schumer and the DSCC backed Mills because of her strong electoral track record and overall popularity in the state — the same strengths that Collins has used to crush Democratic hopes time and time again.

“I’m not doing this because I’m looking for messages that are going to win,” Platner said. “I’m doing this because this is my politics.”

Personal history. At a town hall here, a Vietnam veteran pressed Platner on whether he’s prepared for the expected onslaught from Republicans. Platner will face intense scrutiny over past racist and sexist comments, as well as a Nazi symbol tattoo he had.

In response to the questions, Platner vowed that the GOP efforts would “fail miserably” and mocked “the idea that the Republicans are going to go after me specifically for having taken part in too much war that they started.”

— Andrew Desiderio

RECONCILIATION

Senate GOP’s ballroom problem

Senate GOP leaders are considering reducing funding in their reconciliation bill for the Secret Service and for President Donald Trump’s controversial East Wing ballroom.

The $1 billion sum could shrink as Senate Republicans weigh a wide range of changes to the text in a rush to find something that can win rank-and-file GOP votes, satisfy the White House and pass muster with the Senate’s parliamentarian.

At this point, the biggest of those three challenges appears to be what one senior GOP aide called “Trump management.” The White House is pushing hard for the ballroom funding language to remain in the bill, in some form or another, despite complaints from vulnerable Republicans.

Meanwhile, it’s proving difficult for Senate GOP leaders to lock down the requisite support.

“Our goal is to get 50 votes and to make sure they have the money they need for security,” Senate Majority Leader John Thune said Monday.

Inside the talks. The parliamentary hurdles underscore the major problems GOP leaders have faced.

“I think everything is negotiable at this point,” Senate Judiciary Committee Chair Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) told reporters Monday. Grassley also said he’s confident about clearing language with the parliamentarian.

Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) will oppose the bill if the ballroom language stays in, while other key GOP senators have been critical or noncommittal. Sen. John Kennedy (R-La.) plans to push an amendment to pay for the security funding.

The House. The House Republican leadership believes they won’t be able to pass a reconciliation bill that includes anything resembling funding for the ballroom.

Speaker Mike Johnson will be under real pressure this week if the bill reaches the House by Friday morning.

Rep. Tom Kean (R-N.J.) isn’t expected back in Washington this week. Rep. Kevin Kiley (I-Calif.) has said he won’t support the bill absent ICE reforms, which aren’t happening. Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick (R-Pa.) has said he’ll vote against anything with ballroom funding.

Remember, though: House Republicans frequently fold. So take all this with a grain of salt.

Markups begin. Senate Republicans are taking steps to prepare the bill for a floor vote. The Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee begins marking up its title at 8 a.m.

HSGAC Democrats will push amendments on a wide range of topics, including affordability issues and ensuring that DHS funds are directed to other priorities. Democrats are also planning to force votes on ICE reforms they’ve been demanding for months.

Note: Trump will deliver remarks at 7:15 p.m. today at the Congressional Picnic.

— Laura Weiss, Jake Sherman and Andrew Desiderio

DEFENSE CASH DASH

Defense heavyweights aid Calvert in battle with Kim

Defense contractors are funding a super PAC that is spending millions of dollars against Rep. Young Kim (R-Calif.) in her increasingly ugly June 2 primary against fellow California Republican Rep. Ken Calvert, who chairs the panel that funds the Pentagon.

That group — Americans 4 Security PAC — has spent $2.9 million and counting on anti-Kim ads, including a $250,000 buy on Monday, according to FEC filings. The group has attracted funding from some heavy-hitters in the defense startup space, including Palantir CEO Alex Karp and Shield AI.

Noting that Kim has outraised Calvert, Kim campaign spokesperson Chris Pack said: “It should come as no surprise that [Calvert] needs to rely on outside money to prop up his lackluster 30-plus-year career in Washington.”

Americans 4 Security has run ads attacking Kim as a “backstabber,” “Kriminal Kim,” “Lib Kim” and “shady.” The two lawmakers were drawn into the same Southern California 40th district after the state gerrymandered new maps.

“Congressman Calvert appreciates the support of national security leaders who recognize his leadership in standing with President Trump to rebuild our military,” campaign spokesperson Calvin Moore said.

As chair of the House Defense Appropriations Subcommittee, Calvert plays a key role in how hundreds of billions of federal dollars are doled out to military suppliers.

Redistricting fallout. The new 40th District voted for Trump by more than 12 percentage points, according to Ballotpedia. Democrat Esther Kim Varet is also battling Kim and Calvert. The top two vote-getters advance to the general election.

If Calvert survives his member-on-member battle, he’ll likely seek another waiver to remain as the top Republican on the Defense panel. Calvert, first elected in 1992, already secured a waiver to continue serving as chair during the 119th Congress. He’s been on the Appropriations Committee since 2009.

More PAC action. Americans 4 Security is also putting up big money to support another top House GOP appropriator: Rep. Tom Cole (Okla). The group has spent $250,000 to support Cole, who chairs the full Appropriations Committee.

In addition to Karp and Shield AI, the PAC has received support from high-speed aircraft maker Hermeus; software and security company Private Tech Inc., which was founded by alumni of Palantir and Anduril; former Senate defense appropriations staffer Will Todd, who leads lobbying firm Icebreaker Strategies; and TJ Stapleton, the president of Stapleton & Associates LLC. The firm has more than a dozen registered defense clients.

— Anthony Adragna and Briana Reilly

THE CAMPAIGN

What we’re watching: Primary day

Happy primary day. Voters head to the polls in eight states today. Here’s what we’re watching.

Georgia. Rep. Mike Collins (R-Ga.) is the polling frontrunner in the Peach State’s Senate GOP primary. The fight to watch is between Derek Dooley (who’s endorsed by Gov. Brian Kemp) and Rep. Buddy Carter (R-Ga.) to see who will join Collins in the June 16 runoff. The GOP is seeking to unseat Sen. Jon Ossoff (D-Ga.) in one of the party’s best flip opportunities.

Kentucky. President Donald Trump’s political apparatus is mobilized to defeat Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) in a GOP primary. Trump and his allies are backing veteran Ed Gallrein in an effort to knock off Massie, who’s been a constant thorn in Trump’s agenda.

In the Kentucky Senate race, Rep. Andy Barr (R-Ky.) has the coveted Trump endorsement and is the favorite to beat former Attorney General Daniel Cameron in the GOP primary. This is the race to succeed retiring Sen. Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.).

Pennsylvania. We’re following two high-stakes House Democratic primaries. In the 7th District, DCCC-backed Bob Brooks faces a crowded field of challengers for a chance to take on vulnerable GOP Rep. Ryan Mackenzie. Brooks is up against local official Lamont McClure, former prosecutor Ryan Crosswell and engineer Carol Obando-Derstine.

In the deep-blue 3rd District, leftist Democrats are seeking to elect state Rep. Chris Rabb to replace retiring Rep. Dwight Evans (D-Pa.). Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.) campaigned for Rabb in Philadelphia on Friday.

Alabama. Rep. Barry Moore (R-Ala.) has Trump’s endorsement in the Senate primary. Veteran Jared Hudson and Alabama Attorney General Steve Marshall are also running to succeed outgoing Sen. Tommy Tuberville (R-Ala.), who’s running for governor.

— Max Cohen

THE CAMPAIGN

News. Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) is planning to call on 2028 Democratic presidential hopefuls to make universal child care a top priority.

In a speech today, Warren will urge her party to focus on child care and be prepared to pass legislation “on day one” if Democrats win full control in Washington. This is an issue Warren has focused heavily on in Congress.

“It would be political malpractice for Democrats not to be talking about child care every chance we get going into the midterms and beyond,” Warren will say at the CAP IDEAS Conference, per prepared remarks.

“When I look at the upcoming Democratic presidential primary, every 2028 candidate who understands what’s happening in this country, who wants to win, and who will govern effectively to deliver for families, will make universal child care a core piece of their agenda,” Warren adds.

— Laura Weiss